Friday, May 3, 2019

Morals, Politicians, and Facts


It seems that from time to time we hear politicians call other politicians all matters of derogatory terms but at the bottom is when the call them immoral. I suspect that none have the slightest clue what the term moral means. Frankly neither do I, but at least I will admit it.

I examined my files to see how many documents contained the term moral. More than 4,000 files and when I checked the word was even used in an employee manual. I wondered what would have happened if we ever had to litigate that phrase.

As noted by de Tocqueville in commenting on his experience in America he states:

Amongst these documents we shall notice, as especially characteristic, the code of laws promulgated by the little State of Connecticut in 1650. The legislators of Connecticut begin with the penal laws, and, strange to say, they borrow their provisions from the text of Holy Writ. "Whosoever shall worship any other God than the Lord," says the preamble of the Code, "shall surely be put to death." This is followed by ten or twelve enactments of the same kind, copied verbatim from the books of Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy. Blasphemy, sorcery, adultery, and rape were punished with death; an outrage offered by a son to his parents was to be expiated by the same penalty. The legislation of a rude and half-civilized people was thus applied to an enlightened and moral community. The consequence was that the punishment of death was never more frequently prescribed by the statute, and never more rarely enforced towards the guilty.

It seems that in this context the world moral came from what was considered as such from the then accepted translation of the Bible. Thus for a Protestant regime, Holy Writ, the Calvinistic document, was deemed the basis of all laws. In a sense it is very much akin to what one sees in the demands for Sharia Law in certain countries today. de Tocqueville continues[1]:

The chief care of the legislators, in this body of penal laws, was the maintenance of orderly conduct and good morals in the community: they constantly invaded the domain of conscience, and there was scarcely a sin which was not subject to magisterial censure. The reader is aware of the rigor with which these laws punished rape and adultery; intercourse between unmarried persons was likewise severely repressed. The judge was empowered to inflict a pecuniary penalty, a whipping, or marriage on the misdemeanants; and if the records of the old courts of New Haven may be believed, prosecutions of this kind were not unfrequent. We find a sentence bearing date the first of May, 1660, inflicting a fine and reprimand on a young woman who was accused of using improper language, and of allowing herself to be kissed.

Now one can assume that in Connecticut today these types of laws based upon a well-accepted moral code are neither extant nor if still on the books, enforced. However the newer laws have become profligate in controlling human behavior. Drug laws, gun laws, speech laws, "equality" laws, "privacy" laws all have exploded to name just a few. What was deemed immoral at the beginning is now protected behavior, and what was allowed before is often deemed illegal.

Thus if the basis of the first set of laws was morality as deemed as such by Holy Writ, what is the basis of the new laws?

Thus one should examine the meaning of "moral". For if all of our politicians are accusing others of immoral acts, are they speaking of those of 1660 or of the present day. What is basis of these moral acts? From whence does a moral act get defined as well as its opposite. Is it fair to say that murder is not moral but speaking askance to Congress, setting aside truth or falsity, is somehow classed in an equal manner?

We have the "Ten Commandments" A short list of dos and don'ts. I can't murder, can't steal, can't lie, can't honor a false god and can't do a bunch of other things. Then there are a few things I must do, such as honor the Sabbath. A simple list, easy to remember, fits well on two stone tablets even. I don't need all that Leviticus stuff, just the tablets. Seems good for three major religions but somehow we seemed to expand these.

Thus one may ask: What is the basis of moral law? A similar question could be: What is the basis of Natural Law? Finally: Are Moral Law and Natural Law the same, similar, independent of one another?

Pope John Paul II wrote[2]:

Although times change and knowledge increases, it is possible to discern a core of philosophical insight within the history of thought as a whole. Consider, for example, the principles of non-contradiction, finality and causality, as well as the concept of the person as a free and intelligent subject, with the capacity to know God, truth and goodness. Consider as well certain fundamental moral norms which are shared by all. These are among the indications that, beyond different schools of thought, there exists a body of knowledge which may be judged a kind of spiritual heritage of humanity. It is as if we had come upon an implicit philosophy, as a result of which all feel that they possess these principles, albeit in a general and unreflective way. Precisely because it is shared in some measure by all, this knowledge should serve as a kind of reference-point for the different philosophical schools. Once reason successfully intuits and formulates the first universal principles of being and correctly draws from them conclusions which are coherent both logically and ethically, then it may be called right reason or, as the ancients called it, orthós logos, recta ratio.

He asserts that there is a set of universally accepted moral norms. But if there exists such norms, and if all accept, even those who do not accept or even reject Holy Writ, then whence do these norms arrive and how can we find them. For if we were to assert the lack of moral behavior in a person, again what is our basis?

Now consider an interesting exchange between Copleston and Russell on the BBC[3]:

C: Well, I brought in moral obligation because I think that one can approach the question of God's existence in that way. The vast majority of the human race will make, and always have made, some distinction between right and wrong. The vast majority I think has some consciousness of an obligation in the moral sphere. It's my opinion that the perception of values and the consciousness of moral law and obligation are best explained through the hypothesis of a transcendent ground of value and of an author of the moral law. I do mean by "author of the moral law" an arbitrary author of the moral law. I think, in fact, that those modern atheists who have argued in a converse way "there is no God; therefore, there are no absolute values and no absolute law," are quite logical.

R: I don't like the word "absolute." I don't think there is anything absolute whatever. The moral law, for example, is always changing. At one period in the development of the human race, almost everybody thought cannibalism was a duty.

C: Well, I don't see that differences in particular moral judgments are any conclusive argument against the universality of the moral law. Let's assume for the moment that there are absolute moral values, even on that hypothesis it's only to be expected that different individuals and different groups should enjoy varying degrees of insight into those values.

R: I'm inclined to think that "ought," the feeling that one has about "ought" is an echo of what has been told one by one's parents or one's nurses.

C: Well, I wonder if you can explain away the idea of the "ought" merely in terms of nurses and parents. I really don't see how it can be conveyed to anybody in other terms than itself. It seems to be that if there is a moral order bearing upon the human conscience, that that moral order is unintelligible apart from the existence of God.

R: Then you have to say one or other of two things. Either God only speaks to a very small percentage of mankind -- which happens to include yourself -- or He deliberately says things are not true in talking to the consciences of savages.

Copleston the Jesuit and Russell the atheist truly reached no conclusion. But Russell's argument has merit, for it feeds the temporal-spatial argument of morals. They seem to change from time to time and from place to place. For example, does China follow the dictate of "thou shall not steal"? Well it all depends. Does our Congress follow the mandate of "Thou shall not lie" or is it a pandemic characteristic of a politician. Thus space as well as time often dictates what is right or wrong. Should we than accuse someone of being immoral?

Now to Natural Law. Is Natural Law truly existent and if so what is its basis? I will avoid any Kantian argument here and try to relate a more scientific bent. Tierney in his work on Natural Rights and Ockham noted as follows[4]:

Suarez and Grotius distinguished a subjective meaning of ius from other connotations of the word. It was left for Hobbes to insist that the subjective meaning was the only proper one:

"The RIGHT OF NATURE which writers commonly call jus naturale, is the liberty each man hath, to use his own power, as he will himself, for the preservation of his own nature.... A LAW OF NATURE, lex naturalis, is a precept or general rule found out by reason, by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life ... law, and right, differ as much, as obligation and liberty... ,"

Later he explained that the sphere of liberty was defined by "the silence of the law"; where laws did not command or forbid, a person was free to act as he wished. Hobbes seems to deviate from the preceding tradition, not only in giving an exclusively subjective definition of ius, but also in excluding the idea of moral rightness from his definition. (For Suarez and Grotius ius was a moral power, a moral quality.) But later authors developed Hobbes's distinction between natural rights and natural law in ways that restored the moral content of a natural right.

Perhaps the most clear and coherent account of natural laws and natural rights in a fully developed, eighteenth-century Enlightenment form of the doctrine is that given by Christian Wolff. For Wolff, law (lex) is a rule that obliges us. Natural law, law inherent in the rational nature of man, obliges each person to seek self-perfection. But the fulfillment of moral obligation requires a certain freedom of action; and, Wolff declared, “This faculty or moral power of acting is called a right (ius)"

Carrying the argument further, Wolff explained that "What the law of nature obliges to as an end, ius gives as a means." He gave as an obvious example the right to food as a means of self-preservation. Wolff also held that, besides commanding and prohibiting, natural law could be merely permissive, indicating behavior that was licit but not obligatory; natural rights existed in this area of permissive natural law. One is reminded again objective right are clearly distinguishable, but in medieval discourse the word ius could oscillate easily between the two meanings.

Thus there seems to be a basis for Natural Law, existing pervasively, but without basis. But perhaps as we better understand man and his genetic structure we can assert a basis, a commonality. I would posit looking towards the human limbic system, the amalgam of hippocampus, amygdala, thalamus and hypothalamus, that region of the brain where we see the impact of emotions, aggressiveness, sexuality and the like. There may very well be a fundamental genetic basis for what we see as Natural Law and Natural Rights, and that the moral law, or morals is nothing more than a reflection of this complex and yet not well understood portion of the human brain. But I digress.

Why should one call another immoral? What basis does that person have, what religious belief is being promulgated? Or perhaps we should just ask; what is wrong with their limbic system? Just a thought.


[1] de Tocqueville, Democracy in America.

[2] Fides et ratio To the Bishops of the Catholic Church on the relationship between Faith and Reason 1998.09.14

[3] Fr. Copleston vs. Bertrand Russell:  The Famous 1948 BBC Radio Debate on the Existence of God

[4] Tierney,  The Idea of Natural Rights